John McCain was out of the torturous grip of the North Vietnamese for approximately one year when Congress passed Public Law 93-531 in 1974. Public Law 93-531 was called the Relocation Act, and was falsely justified by what "Peabody Coal Company's public relations and lobbying firms" falsely constructed  as the "Hopi-Navajo land dispute." This "range war" was not true. What was true, was lawyer John Boyden with the assimilated Hopi Tribal Council.

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Boyden formed a Hopi Tribal Council that consisted of several First Mesa Hopi who had been converted to Mormonism, based on an election in which about 10 percent of the Hopis on the reservation voted. The newly elected Tribal Council then hired Boyden as their lawyer.

John Boyden with his assimilated Hopi Tribal Council wanted Peabody Coal to strip mine Black Mesa after the natural resources had been discovered. More than 10,000 Navajo and 100 Hopi did not want Black Mesa stripped.

How does history repeat itself? Let's count some of the ways.

One.

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The Indian Removal Act was signed into law by Andrew Jackson on May 28, 1830, authorizing the president to grant unsettled lands west of the Mississippi in exchange for Indian lands within existing state borders. A few tribes went peacefully, but many resisted the relocation policy. During the fall and winter of 1838 and 1839, the Cherokees were forcibly moved west by the United States government. Approximately 4,000 Cherokees died on this forced march, which became known as the "Trail of Tears."

In 1974 the U.S. Government legally endorsed genocide when Congress passed Public Law 93-531, which enabled Peabody Coal Company to strip mine Black Mesa by ripping the traditional Navajo and Hopi peoples from the land.

Two.

An elder told me that the Navaho took Geronimo's bones and gave them a proper burial before the U.S. Army only thought that he remained buried at Fort Sill after they buried him there. I told her I'd been to the grave site. She asked me, "Did it feel like he was in there?"  "No," I said. "They `buried' him in the grave stone by stone, so he wouldn't ever come back," she said. I personally don't believe he is at Fort Sill, and I don't believe this either -

Whose Skull and Bones?

"The skull of the worthy Geronimo the Terrible, exhumed from its tomb at Fort Sill by your club & the K -- t [Knight] Haffner, is now safe inside the T -- [Tomb] together with his well worn femurs[,] bit & saddle horn."

Geronimo died in 1909, that letter was in 1918, and Geronimo's great-grandson wrote Bush about that letter.Curiously, that all makes me wonder - Why didn't they want him to "come back from his (alleged) grave?"

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Sand Creek massacre remains an open wound for the Indian people, Colorado History and U.S. History.

I can't speak for the tribe, and the Northern Cheyenne Sand Creek Massacre Site Project cited above is requesting financial assistance in order to educate their tribal members, their youth, and the general public.

Marilyn Musgrave believes the family is one of the most fundamental and critical institutions in America. In the family, children learn basic relational skills and morals from their mom, dad and siblings.

Crossposted at Progressive Historians

I don't wear a "tin foil hat" or a war bonnet; I call myself a historical realist. To me for example, extraodinary rendition began when Christopher Columbus kidnapped ten Native Americans and took them back to Spain to Christianize them. What Ludford said on September 7th just felt like old news to me.

EU demands to know location of CIA prisons:
SOURCE"Bush exposes not only his own previous lies. He also exposes to ridicule those arrogant government leaders in Europe who dismissed as unfounded our fears about extraordinary rendition," Ludford said in a statement.

Manifest Destiny is a thing of the past, but its philosophy didn't die with the forced relocations. The American company Henco attempted to encroach on Native lands in 2006, and I speculate that George W. Bush's having signed NAFTA treaties which eroded some limits on U.S trade borders enabled Henco to proceed to Canada and attempt stealing Native soil from Six Nations. While it wears only a shadow in sound comparison to the Seige of Wounded Knee 1973, it bears valid comparison in the display of overt racism against the First Nations.

Krisztina Kun, a staff member at SFPIRG, and eyewitness to the standoff remarked that the blockade was characterized just as much by racial tension as it was by disputes over land ownership.
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